Revolution in Iran?

mikewof

mikewof
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Iran plans public trials for 1,000 protesters in Tehran, Iranian rapper Toomaj Salehi arrested​

Iranian authorities have announced they will hold public trials for 1,000 people in the capital, Tehran, over the protests that have engulfed the country.

Key points:​

  • Tehran officials have repeated unsupported claims that Iran's foreign enemies have fomented the unrest
  • At least 270 people have been killed and 1,4000 arrested, according to activists
  • An Iranian official said prosecutors sought to differentiate between angry Iranians and those who wanted to take down the theocracy

The mass prosecutions mark the government's first major legal action aimed at quashing dissent since unrest erupted more than six weeks ago.

Iran's state-run IRNA news agency quoted judicial officials as saying 1,000 people who had a central role in the protests would be brought to trial in Tehran alone over their "subversive actions", including assaulting security guards, setting fire to public property and other alleged crimes.

The semi-official Tasnim news agency, citing Tehran's chief justice, said the trials would take place in a Revolutionary Court.

The trials were scheduled for this week and would be held in public, it said.
Snip
Demonstrations have continued — even as the feared paramilitary Revolutionary Guard has warned young Iranians to stop.

Mr Ejei said prosecutors sought to differentiate between angry Iranians who merely sought to vent their grievances on the streets and those who wanted to take down the theocracy.

"Even among the agitators, it should be clarified who had the attention of confronting the system and overthrowing it," he said.

Judicial authorities have announced charges against hundreds of people in other Iranian provinces.

Some have been accused of "corruption on Earth" and "war against God" — offences that carry the death penalty.

Toomaj currently faces execution. In all your Twitter, Instagram, YouTube and TikTok posts use the hashing #FreeToomaj to get as many eyeball as possible on this. Write your representatives too. Unlike the arrested sport climber, the regime will execute him quickly without a loud enough protest.

 

veni vidi vici

Omne quod audimus est opinio, non res. Omnia videm
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Toomaj currently faces execution. In all your Twitter, Instagram, YouTube and TikTok posts use the hashing #FreeToomaj to get as many eyeball as possible on this. Write your representatives too. Unlike the arrested sport climber, the regime will execute him quickly without a loud enough protest.


They only know one way… the population will have to rise up and physically occupy every government facility.
Seems like it is a real possibility this time.
 

mikewof

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They only know one way… the population will have to rise up and physically occupy every government facility.
Seems like it is a real possibility this time.

The Kurds have done that. But the rest of Iran -- with few weapons to defend themselves -- have apparently taken the strategy to degrade the elites base of support, working from the low-level mullahs up through the IRG itself. Eventually, I believe you are right, they will occupy that government in Tehran. But hopefully that will come with the exodus and collapse of the thieving, ruling elite, rather than with bodies piled high at the gates of those buildings.
 

mikewof

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Nasty-ass jackals those mullahs ... I hope they end up swinging from the yard arm in the breeze.

 

ShortForBob

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00seven

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1667631333719.png

WTF would you question that?? Would sending them from the library make you happy? Or do you expect her to go back to Iran to out them?
 

ShortForBob

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Yes. Drones don't discriminate. (much)
The key word is "alleged".
There's a lot of opportunities for settling old scores when people "out" people on second or third hand information and are far far away from sources, especially in a revolutionary environment. Do your history.
It's one of the reasons I dont do tiktoc, twitter etc.
 

ShortForBob

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Looks like Mikey has melted.

Iranian leaders resist growing demands for referendum on constitution​

snip
In a largely leaderless revolution, clerics and some students are making demands that the regime try to resolve the crisis by holding an immediate referendum with the presence of international observers. The original Iranian revolution in 1979 was endorsed by a simple referendum in which all Iranians aged over 16 were asked: “Should Iran be an Islamic Republic?”

The call for a new referendum was first made by Iran’s leading Sunni cleric Molavi Abdulhamid, who is based in the south-eastern city of Zahedan. “Hold a referendum and see what changes people want and accept whatever the wishes of the people. The current policies have reached a dead end,” he said.

“This constitution itself was approved 43 years ago and those who compiled it have all left and another generation has come. This law should also be changed and updated. Many clauses of this law are not up to date.


“It has been said many times that this law should be put to a referendum, but unfortunately nothing has been done and even the same law of 43 years ago has not been properly implemented.”
 

sparau

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It's one of the reasons I dont do tiktoc, twitter etc.
Tiktok seems more accurate than journos accepting source material then putting their spin on it, often done from other countries.
I have quite a bit of faith that the youtube channels I watch which street interview people in all parts of the world are at least showing me their bias only, not some culturally different 'experts' view or twisted Murdoch lens.
 

ShortForBob

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This is a very long opinion piece by:
Samuel Blanch is a researcher of the diverse expressions of modern religious life. Based in the Centre for Law and Social Justice at the University of Newcastle, Australia, he has conducted extensive fieldwork in Shia Muslim communities in Australia, the UK, and Iran.

It's well worth a read because one can apply the writers position to divisions in the west.

The importance of recognising the other side of the Iran conflict.​


a snippet.


Suppose that the Islamic Republic fell tomorrow. Suppose that in Iran, criminal tribunals were established to try those accused of unreasonable force, an interim constituent assembly was convened to transition away from Islamic law, and, finally, a new and best practice constitution was promulgated to advance the opportunities of women. What would happen then?

Or let us suppose, in the alternative, that the regime does not fall. Suppose that it emerges from the current events with its institutions further under the control of the Supreme Leader and the nerves of its partisan are steeled for further conflict. What would happen then?

It is a truism that many eventualities are possible. In the first scenario, we may see a shift in the level of violence and to whom that violence is directed. Women may have new personal choice about their head coverings. Iran’s fragile economy might be improved in some directions through reintegration with global financial institutions. In the second scenario, the repressive tendencies of the regime may be entrenched, aspects of its civil society may be further denuded, and its paranoia fuelled violence redoubled.

But there is one result beyond doubt in both scenarios: there will be many Iranians, and others outside of Iran, who remain sympathetic to the project of Islamic governance. And it is the political and moral implications of this fact, including for Australia’s own political and social life, that are currently missed in much of the discussion about Iran.

Assessing the current crisis​

The Islamic Republic is facing one of its most serious crises of legitimacy since its inception. In this context it is quite appropriate that global reporting and commentary pays careful attention to the regime’s actions, and listens to the aspirations of those protesting against it. It is also appropriate that we see the face of Mahsa Amini, and hear the voices of her family and friends, as a way of humanising the conflict.

Speaking against instances of arbitrary and disproportionate violence is part of a necessary moral response. It is even appropriate some reporting focuses on the issue of the hijab, notwithstanding that the norms of international human rights law make room for states to prohibit (à la France) or mandate (à la Iran) head coverings in aspects of public life. A focus on the hijab has a certain appropriateness because it is in many ways totemic of broader issues — of broader demands for sexual and gender liberation, of the overreach of a quasi-police state, and of the hegemony of a particular expression of religiosity.

But my aim here is to canvass what we miss by focusing on these issues to the exclusion of what I will call the “face” of the other side. Much of the commentary and reporting is too quick to leap from observations about serious social unrest and state violence towards assumptions about the state’s wholesale illegitimacy. Kylie Moore-Gilbert calls it a “mass movement of popular protest”. Laetitia Nanquette describes important aspects of the social context, whereby the conflict is “part of a long history of dissatisfaction with the Islamic Republic that is growing and becoming more public”. Naser Ghobadzadeh argues that Iran has already experienced a “social revolution”. Having failed to “Islamise” its population, the regime has instead paradoxically created a “generation … that gives greater priority to freedom, democracy, and human rights than to religious values and norms.”

We simply have no reliable way of assessing the implicit quantitative and historical claims embedded within these descriptions. In fact, the commentaries from which these quotations are taken are very carefully framed. Their authors situate the outcome of the “mass movement” within a broader context of uncertainty as to the state’s capacity to maintain order. They do not share the fanciful idea that young people in general are somehow intuitively opposed to “hard-line” religiosity. Nevertheless, from these quotations a reader will get an impression of a conflict characterised by a divide between society and the state. The reader will imagine “the people” on one side of the picket line, and the Ayatollahs and their police on the other. They will certainly get little sense of perhaps the most formidable risk to the long-term prospects of the regime, which stems from within the clerical class itself. They will feel themselves pulled along the inevitable march of history, away from “religion” and towards “freedom”.

It is worth making a few initial observations as a counterpoint to this idea of a conflict between society and state. Notwithstanding the vetting of presidential candidates, Iranians have consistently voted in large numbers for candidates aligned with what we might call the “establishment”. To be sure, the percentage has varied markedly, and I do not wish to downplay the effect of media censorship and Iran’s broader regulatory environment. But at the very least the consistency of this vote indicates a core rump of sympathy with Islamic Republic’s program.
 

00seven

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And it begins...

Iran issues first death sentence after ‘riots’: Judiciary​


 

ShortForBob

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hmm. only source for that is Newsweek's and even that source doesn't exactly say the Iranian Gove has voted to execute 15,000 people.

Grossly overblown.

"We, the representatives of this nation, ask all state officials, including the judiciary, to treat those, who waged war [against the Islamic establishment] and attacked people's life and property like the Daesh [terrorists], in a way that would serve as a good lesson in the shortest possible time," the letter read.

Lawmakers added that such a punishment – the methods of which were not specified – would "prove to all that life, property, security and honor of our dear people is a red line for this [Islamic] establishment and that it would show no leniency to anybody in this regard."
 

justsomeguy!

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